How Trump’s latest abortion position can hurt him in the suburbs
Donald Trump revealed exactly how terrified his campaign is of the Republican effort to end abortion nationwide when he supposedly backed the right of states to regulate abortion early Monday morning. “The states will determine by vote or legislation or perhaps both," Trump said in a rambling nearly 5-minute video, "whatever they decide must be the law of the land—in this case, the law of the state.” President Joe Biden immediately took the opportunity to slam Trump, saying he "just endorsed every single state ban on reproductive care nationwide." The Biden-Harris rapid response account quickly released a thread detailing every state ban Trump had endorsed by empowering states to decide the matter. But what Trump said likely isn't as telling as what he didn't say: He didn't commit to vetoing a national ban should one reach his desk, nor did he commit to codifying a national right to abortion into law. Biden, by comparison, reminded voters he would sign legislation restoring Roe v. Wade. "If MAGA Republicans put a federal ban on his desk, he'd sign it!" Biden asserted. "If you reelect me, I'll be the reason why it's restored." The juxtaposition between the abortion positions of Biden and Trump is reminiscent of a dynamic that recently played out in the special election for New York's 3rd Congressional District, the seat formerly held by disgraced Republican George Santos. In that February contest, Republican nominee Mazi Pilip sought to blunt the abortion issue by obfuscating her personal beliefs and how she planned to govern. In their single debate, Democratic nominee Tom Suozzi fought through a fusillade of Pilip's bluster to pin her down on her position. Under Suozzi's questioning, Pilip admitted to being personally "pro-life" even though she proclaimed, "I'm not going to force my belief to any woman." Pilip added that she wouldn't support a national abortion ban. After restating Pilip's contradictory positions, Suozzi pointedly asked, "Will you codify Roe v. Wade?" Ultimately, Pilip would not commit to restoring Roe. Even though she wasn't advocating for a nationwide ban, she still wouldn't affirmatively support restoring the right to abortion care up to roughly 24 weeks of pregnancy—which is effectively the position Trump adopted on Monday. Suozzi managed to turn abortion to his advantage in a district where roughly 70% of the district's voters were pro-choice. On the day of the election, former Rep. Steve Israel—who represented the area for 16 years and chaired House Democrats' campaign arm for four years—declared the Long Island district "a model of a suburban congressional district that both parties must win in November." Suozzi didn't just flip the seat blue—he restored the district from being +8 Republican in the 2022 midterms to once again being +8 Democratic, the margin by which Biden thumped Trump in that district in 2020. Suozzi's approach to regaining that ground could help serve as a roadmap for the Biden campaign. Nationwide, Biden carried suburban districts by 11 points in 2020, according to Pew Research Center findings, a net turnaround of +13 points from 2016 when Trump carried them by 2 points. New York's 3rd is exactly the type of district where Biden will have to run up the score on Trump in November to offset potential cracks in Biden's 2020 coalition. Suozzi’s approach to regaining that ground could help serve as a roadmap for the Biden campaign. Campaign Action Kerry and Markos talk about Florida, its strict abortion ban, and Democratic challengers' chances in the Sunshine State. Embedded Content
JoriPress
Donald Trump revealed exactly how terrified his campaign is of the Republican effort to end abortion nationwide when he supposedly backed the right of states to regulate abortion early Monday morning.
“The states will determine by vote or legislation or perhaps both," Trump said in a rambling nearly 5-minute video, "whatever they decide must be the law of the land—in this case, the law of the state.”
President Joe Biden immediately took the opportunity to slam Trump, saying he "just endorsed every single state ban on reproductive care nationwide." The Biden-Harris rapid response account quickly released a thread detailing every state ban Trump had endorsed by empowering states to decide the matter.
But what Trump said likely isn't as telling as what he didn't say: He didn't commit to vetoing a national ban should one reach his desk, nor did he commit to codifying a national right to abortion into law.
Biden, by comparison, reminded voters he would sign legislation restoring Roe v. Wade.
"If MAGA Republicans put a federal ban on his desk, he'd sign it!" Biden asserted. "If you reelect me, I'll be the reason why it's restored."
The juxtaposition between the abortion positions of Biden and Trump is reminiscent of a dynamic that recently played out in the special election for New York's 3rd Congressional District, the seat formerly held by disgraced Republican George Santos.
In that February contest, Republican nominee Mazi Pilip sought to blunt the abortion issue by obfuscating her personal beliefs and how she planned to govern.
In their single debate, Democratic nominee Tom Suozzi fought through a fusillade of Pilip's bluster to pin her down on her position. Under Suozzi's questioning, Pilip admitted to being personally "pro-life" even though she proclaimed, "I'm not going to force my belief to any woman." Pilip added that she wouldn't support a national abortion ban.
After restating Pilip's contradictory positions, Suozzi pointedly asked, "Will you codify Roe v. Wade?"
Ultimately, Pilip would not commit to restoring Roe. Even though she wasn't advocating for a nationwide ban, she still wouldn't affirmatively support restoring the right to abortion care up to roughly 24 weeks of pregnancy—which is effectively the position Trump adopted on Monday.
Suozzi managed to turn abortion to his advantage in a district where roughly 70% of the district's voters were pro-choice. On the day of the election, former Rep. Steve Israel—who represented the area for 16 years and chaired House Democrats' campaign arm for four years—declared the Long Island district "a model of a suburban congressional district that both parties must win in November."
Suozzi didn't just flip the seat blue—he restored the district from being +8 Republican in the 2022 midterms to once again being +8 Democratic, the margin by which Biden thumped Trump in that district in 2020. Suozzi's approach to regaining that ground could help serve as a roadmap for the Biden campaign.
Nationwide, Biden carried suburban districts by 11 points in 2020, according to Pew Research Center findings, a net turnaround of +13 points from 2016 when Trump carried them by 2 points. New York's 3rd is exactly the type of district where Biden will have to run up the score on Trump in November to offset potential cracks in Biden's 2020 coalition. Suozzi’s approach to regaining that ground could help serve as a roadmap for the Biden campaign.
Kerry and Markos talk about Florida, its strict abortion ban, and Democratic challengers' chances in the Sunshine State.
